People in Burma find the religion as a place
or thing to put all their suffering and
worries. The people suffer a lot. They
have no freedom of speech. They cannot travel.
They do not have enough food. Members of
their families are killed and tortured. They have
all these thoughts and ideas but they cannot
share them. There is no one to support them.
In religion they find something that they can
release their sorrow into.” This quote was taken
from an interview in August with a Karen human
rights activist who is working to raise
awareness of the situation in Burma.
Religion is an integral part of the cultures of
Burma. Most of the ethnic areas are Christian,
with the exception of Arakan State which has a
relatively large Muslim population. The traditional
Burman part is predominantly Buddhist,
with Thervada Buddhism being the form most
practices. The most rural people, those that
live deep in the jungle, are animists. However,
practitioners of every religion can be found in
each part of Burma.
Unlike other areas of the world where over
time religions have become less popular, in
Burma people continue to flock to religious services.
Kapotati, a Christian from Karen State,
said, “everyone in Burma belongs to some religion.
If you are not Christian you are Buddhist.
If you are not Buddhist you are Animist. If you
are not an animist you are Muslim.”
In the past villagers of different faiths lived
peacefully side-by-side. People were free to practice
their own religions. The whole village celebrated
all religious festivals, regardless of their
faiths.
Sadly for over forty years people have not
enjoyed this religious freedom. In Burma people
cannot follow the beliefs and practices of their
faiths without fearing some kind of persecution.
The dictatorship has prided itself on national
unity since forcibly taking power in 1962.
This has included conformity to the junta’s preferred
religion, Thervada Buddhism.
But while the junta does not embrace other
religions, Buddhism does. One of the main underlying
principles of Buddhism is acceptance
of other people, including
tolerance of their religious beliefs.
The junta’s lack of religious openmindedness
can be seen in their policy
towards public sector employees.
Army superiors actively encourage
Christian and Muslim officers to convert
to Buddhism if they want to be
promoted to the upper ranks of the
military. During the 1990s, there was only one
non-Buddhist minister in the government. That
same person again was the only non-Buddhist
to hold a flag rank in the army1.
But this policy of religious conformity does
not only apply to government employees. It affects
the whole people of Burma.
In Chin state nearly all the people are Christian.
In the 1990s the army has come into
villages and has taken the children to the urban
areas to allegedly receive education. Instead the
army took the boys and girls to the Buddhist
monasteries. They forced the
children to shave their heads
and to begin receiving religious
instruction.
Kapotati believed this is one
of the ways the government
is trying to create “one country,
one nation, one religion”.
“For people to get a Burmese
identity card they must
change their religion and become
Buddhist.”
He said the government and army forced people
to convert to Buddhism as a way of
Burmanisation. The junta uses religious conformity
as a tool to further suppress the ethnic
people. By suppressing non-Buddhist religions,
the government hopes to also repress the different
cultures of the people who share these
religions, consequently assimilating them to be
Burmans (the main ethnic group in Burma).
Outwardly, the government claims to embrace
all religions. But the 1974 “Constitution” permits
both legislative and administrative restrictions
on religious freedom. The law states that
“the national races shall enjoy the freedom to
profess their religion provided that the enjoyment
of any such freedom does not offend the
laws or the public interest”.
Not surprisingly many Burmese governments
have viewed religious freedom as a threat to
national unity. Following independence from Britain
in 1948 the ethnic groups started insurgencies
against the central government. As
these groups were fighting for self-determination
and autonomous states
they were a threat to the Union of
Burma. The insurgent groups were
identified by their ethnicity. One way
the government could crash down the
insurgents and its supportive population
was by restricting religious freedoms.
Religion became a weapon of
the ethnic conflict.
Indeed according to Kapotati it is still common
for troops of the Tatmadaw, the Burmese
Army, to use religion as a tool to provoke the
ethnic people to retaliate with violence. “The
army enters villages where the headman is
Christian. They beat the headman and ask him
if he has had any contact with the rebel groups.
If tells the truth and answers no, they will let
him go, but will destroy the church. If he lies
and confesses, they will beat and torture him,
but the church will remain.”
They shit on church platforms and Bibles
|
“The army would shit on the Church platforms
and on the Bibles. It would make the
villagers angry and they
would seek revenge. “
“It is not a religious war,
but the army uses religion
to get the ethnic people to
fight.”
The Burmese army does
not just want to destroy
ethnic cultures, it wants to
do this in a drawn out, prolonged
fashion, that breaks
the people’s spirits before killing them.
And this has been demonstrated in incidents
all over Burma. There have been reports where
males leaving church following Christian services
have been forcibly recruited to perform
hard-labour tasks for the army. This practice
has become so common in some areas that
men avoid attending church out of fear.
Burmese authorities also force people to destroy
their religious sites. In September last
year the Nasaka force, the Burmese border security
force near Bangladesh, made Muslim villagers destroy nine Mosques in one village in
northern Arakan State. A Nasaka official said
“it is not necessary to have many Mosques in
one village; one big Mosque is enough for
prayers. Soon many Mosques will be demolished.”
2
Additionally, people are forced to make “voluntary”
contributions towards the construction
of Buddhist temples. In Karen State, the Democratic
Karen Buddhist Army (an ethnic army
that fights with the junta) forces each Karen
village to pay a religious tax of 1000 Baht per
month (approximately US$25). Then this
money is used to build Buddhist temples and
to print Buddhist calendars. The villagers are
later forced to buy these calendars3.
According to Chris Lewa, an independent researcher
on the Burma-Bangladesh border,
Rohingyas, a predominantly Muslim ethnic
group, must obtain permission
from authorities
before getting married.
This permission is usually
granted after the authorities
receive a bribe.
In the last few months
no permission has been
granted to any Muslim
wanting to get married4.
There are large social and
cultural consequences
for not allowing people of a specific ethnic group
to marry. More importantly is the affect it has
on the couple, especially when they belong to
a strict religion such as Islam4.
These are only a few examples so how the
junta uses religion against the ethnic people,
forcing them further under the dictatorship’s
oppressive rule.
Kapotati said that people often believe that it
is their fault the junta treats them so appallingly.
“Some people believe that they are meant to
suffer because they were bad in a past life.
Others say it is the will of God. But I do not
believe that. We are all human beings, and we
should not have to suffer like this.”
According to Kapotati in the past the Koran
and Bible have inspired people’s movements,
political struggle, revolution and changes in social
structure around the world. But in Burma
preachers and religious leaders have a very limited
interpretation of holy literature.
He said that in his experience they have taught
the Bible as a set of religious stories that offer
people comfort, but do not encourage them to
change their societies.
|
Religions in Burma
|
- Buddhist: 89%
- Christian: 4%
- Muslim: 4%
- Other (Animist...): 3%
|
This could be due to the severe government
restrictions on freedom of expression. Most
meetings and activities of organisations, including
religious groups, are monitored by the junta.
The military actively and violently deters people
from voicing their desires for political change.
Apparently religious leaders hold significant
influence over their congregations. The junta is
fearful of this power and do not want clergy to
instigate political change. In 1995 the junta
introduced legislation which prohibits all members
of clergy from belonging to political parties.
But before then, Buddhist monks had been
involved in politics. In 1988 a number of monks
were among the leaders of the large protests
against the military dictatorship. In a Buddhist
country the army gunned down thousands of
people during these peaceful marches, including
monks.
Following the holocaust
in Europe the
United Nations included
religious freedom as a
fundamental human
right in the Universal
Declaration of Human
Rights written in December
1948. Every
person in the world is
afforded this right, regardless
of the government they live under. But
this right is of little comfort to people who
have had their religion used as a reason for
persecution.
During the hard times in life, all that keeps
some people going is their total immersion in
their faith. They can express their religion, talk
about it, and attend worship of it. When they
have nothing else left, their faith will always be
there. It is the freedom to enjoy this faith that
offers people their salvation. In Burma the
people do not have the freedom to practice their
religions. And if they can not cling to their
faith, what else do the people of Burma have?
Endtnotes:
- “International Religious Freedom Report 2001:Burma”,
United States Government
- “Demolition of Mosques in Northern Arakan”,
Kaladan News, September 16, 2004
- “Cash and Repression: Arbitrary Taxation and
Looting by the Military in Burma”, Burma Issues
Newsletter, October 2004
- CCDSPT Meeting, August 10, 2005, Bangkok
To go to the other articles published in the August 2005 BI Newsletter click on the links below:
Ongoing Attacks on Displaced Persons: A Story of a Woman Who Does Not Give Up
People's Stories