The spiraling repression of the Karenni population by the Burmese military junta
Chapter 1: Introduction
Chapter Overview
This chapter provides an introduction to Karenni State’s political, economic and social situation, as well as to the Karenni population. Also examined is the research methodology.
In this chapter:
1.1 History
Historically, it can be argued that Karenni State was an independent jurisdiction falling outside of Burma’s national boundaries. During the 18th and 19th centuries Karenni State was split into five sub states, each ruled by a King called a Saophya. Some Saophyas made treaties with other rulers, such as the Saophya of Kantarawaddy and the ruler of Chiang Mai.1 The Saophyas did not pay regular tributes such as food, items of value, etc., to the Burman monarchs as other ethnic groups did, furthering the claim that Karenni territory was never a part of Burma. There are counter-claims that the five sub states were not stable entities, however, there are also assertions that the Saophyas had offices throughout the state and departments for health, education, forestry and tax revenue, thereby demonstrating their control over the region.2
As Karenni State is rich in natural resources, in particular teak, there was a lot of conflict within the state over control of these resources. This included fighting between the Saophyas and from external forces, such as Thais, Shan, British and Burman. The fighting intensified in the 1840s and in the second half of the nineteenth century the population of Karenni decreased, partially due to people migrating to avoid the fighting, but also because of the drought that the state was suffering.
In 1875 the Burman monarch and the British government, through an agreement, formally recognised the independence of the four western Karenni sub states (the fifth Karenni sub State was included in the Union of Burma in 1888 following fighting between the British and the local Saophya).3 Under British colonial rule, the government of India (Burma was annexed to India in 1885) used two different methods to rule. The lowlands and plains became ministerial Burma, and the British ruled directly, while the administration of the frontier areas, mainly the ethnic areas, remained with the traditional leaders under the loose supervision of the British government. The four Karenni Saophya were left to continue ruling their sub states.
During World War Two, as with many other ethnic groups, the Karenni supported the British and played an active role in defeating the Japanese. The British promised that they would in return help Karenni State retain their independence.4 During discussions about Burma’s independence from Britain, the British tried to persuade the Karenni to join the Union of Burma and the Frontier Areas Administration Board, but the Karenni declined. The Burmese Anti-Fascist People’s Freedom League also lobbied the Karenni to join the Union of Burma, but with no success.
In 1946 the United Karenni Independent States Council was established as a representative body of the Karenni population. It was made up of elders and village leaders from Kantarawaddy, Kyehpogyi, Bawlake and Moebye.5
Despite continued assertions from Karenni representatives that Karenni State was an independent, sovereign nation and did not want to be included in the Union of Burma it was incorporated into independent Burma in the 1947 constitution. Under the 1947 constitution Karenni State was afforded the right to succession after 10 years in the Union of Burma, along with Kachin and Shan Sates. When Burma became independent on January 4th 1948, Karenni State, as a part of the independent Union of Burma, allegedly was freed from colonial rule.
Following independence the Burman majority dominated the political institutions, marginalising the ethnic minorities. The state framework did not create a sense of political equality for all the ethnic groups and nationalities, leading to tensions among the different actors. On August 9th, 1948 Burmese army troops entered Karenni State. This was viewed by the Karenni population, who had opposed being part of the Union of Burma, as an act of aggression upon their sovereignty. An armed opposition to this incursion was established giving birth to decades of resistance to the central authority rule which has continued to the present day. This protracted conflict in Karenni State has had no victors - only hundreds of thousands of victims.
Many ethnic nationality groups began armed resistance. The central government tried to retain power and develop the country’s economy, but was unable to stabilise the situation. Armed conflict continued and pressure from ethnic groups, including the Karenni, for self-determination increased.
Against this backdrop of civil war General Ne Win, who had been the head of the armed forces since 1949, staged a military coup in 1962 seizing power. The ensuing period saw mass political and economic mismanagement which drove the country into poverty and continuing civil war between the ethnic nationalities and the military dictatorship. The early 1970s Ne Win introduced the Four Cuts Policy, a counter insurgency strategy. The policy was designed to cut resistance groups from four essential supplies (recruits, food, intelligence and finance) that were provided to armed groups by the people. Instead of targeting the armed groups this policy was aimed at the civilian population, predominantly in ethnic areas such as Karenni State. This policy is still being implemented today.
Since then the Burmese regime has launched numerous offensives against the Karenni opposition forces, and since the 1980s the capacity of the opposition forces to resist the Burmese army and protect the civilian population has decreased dramatically. In 1984 the KNPP controlled large tracts of land; however, following widespread forced relocation programs and intensive militarisation in the 1990s6 the KNPP’s control over Karenni State has weakened considerably.
The KNPP made a ceasefire agreement with the junta in 1995. However, this ceasefire only lasted a few months.7 Immediately following the breakdown of the ceasefire the junta launched a large scale offensive, targeting Karenni villagers through a mass forced relocation programme. In the area between the Pon and the Salween rivers all the villages were ordered to relocation and not a single household remained in the area. The Burma Ethnic Research Group (BERG) estimates that during 1996 about 25,200 people were forced to leave their homes.8 However the Karenni Public Relations and Information Department estimates that as many as 75,000 peoople have been affected by the relocation programme.9
Numerous splits within the KNPP and the making of ceasefire agreements with the Burmese regime by the splinter groups and other opposition forces have further weakened the opposition forces in Karenni State. Despite waging a fifty-year battle with the central Burmese authorities, these days the KNPP does not offer a strong opposition to the Tatmadaw and has only one base in Karenni State, Nyarmu and an outpost, Mattai.
Karenni State is one of the poorest regions in Burma. This poverty has been further exacerbated by the protracted conflict and constant low intensity fighting over the last sixty years. Traditional community structures are being destroyed, and there is great mistrust between and within villages, leading to extreme isolation. Individuals further segegrarate themselves, to the degree that they do not engage in normal community life or access public services that maybe available. The Burmese military junta, ceasefire groups and the Karenni National People’s Party policies and actions have contributed to this isolation.
1.2 Geography and Climate in Karenni State
Karenni State is a land-locked state in northeast Burma. It borders northwest Thailand to its east, Shan State to the north, Karen State to the south and Mandalay to the west. Karenni State is 11,731.5 km210; making it the smallest state is Burma. There are eight townships within Karenni State: Loikaw, Demawso, Pruso, Passaung, Bawlake, Meh Sae, Shadaw and Mawchi, and there are five main rivers: the Salween, Htoo, Belu, Pai and Pon. Karenni State is approximately half the size of Holland. Due to the mountainous terrain of the state, it is one of the least accessible areas in Burma.
The climate of Karenni State is generally temperate, except along the river valleys where it is tropical. The average temperature in Karenni State near Loikaw is 21.9 degrees Celsius. However in the mountainous areas closer to the Thai-Burma border temperatures can drop suddenly to single digits. Throughout the year there are three seasons in Karenni State: hot (February – April), cold (November – January) and wet (May to October). During the rainy season access to areas outside Loikaw is very difficult and it is impossible to access some mountainous areas.
1.3 Customary Economy in Karenni State
Karenni State’s economy relies primarily on three separate industries: agriculture, extraction of natural resources and hydroelectric dams. Traditionally, most villagers in Karenni State rely on agriculture for their livelihoods. The main crop is rice, along with maize, sesame, groundnut and vegetables. It has become extremely difficult for farmers to support their families due to a variety of challenges (please see chapter 2 and 3 for more information). Karenni State cannot produce enough food like rice for example to sustain itself and consequently needs to import basic commodities from neighbouring States and Divisions for survival.
However, Karenni State is rich in natural resources, such as teak, tin and alabaster (alabaster has similar uses to marble). In the 1930s the Mawchi Mine in Karenni State was the largest producer of tungsten in the world. The extraction of these resources could assist in sustaining the population and provide employment opportunities. However, the control of Karenni State’s natural resources has always been linked to the conflict. Currently the SPDC and ceasefire groups predominantly, control the extraction of natural resources in Karenni State. Villagers have very little, if any, say over the management of the natural resources and receive no benefits from their extraction. Development projects have led to increased militarisation of these areas, and subsequently an increase in human rights abuses and oppression for the villagers.
Additionally, there are a growing number of hydroelectric dams in Karenni State. The largest is the dam at Lowpita Falls, which supplies over 20 per cent of Burma’s total electricity needs.11 There are also a number of smaller hydroelectric dams, and proposals to build more, particularly along the Salween River. Despite the fact that the Lowpita hydroelectric dam provides over one fifth of Burma’s electricity needs, most people in Karenni State have no access to electricity, even those in villages surrounding the dam sites. Moreover, the junta prohibits villagers from accessing water vital for agricultural projects, because it is needed for hydroelectricity and thousands of villagers living in the dam site and the dam’s flood area lost their homes and farmlands.
1.4 People in Karenni State
The Karenni population is difficult to estimate, as there has been no reliable census carried out for decades. The most common estimate is 300,000 and this is the population figure that we use in this report.12 Seven sub-groups make up the Karenni ethnic group, including:
Kayah
Pu Ku
Pa-O
Yintalia
Muno Monon
Kayan
GheKo/Gheba
Shan, Burman and other ethnic nationalities also reside in Karenni State.
This report documents the hardships and difficulties faced by the people of Karenni State. The report does not focus on the Karenni people (also known as the Kayah people) but rather examines the lives of all ethnic groups residing in Karenni State.
1.4.1 Gender Roles
Among the different ethnic groups in Karenni State traditionally there are clear gender roles and associated behaviours, especially in relation to the division of labour. In all tribes women are responsible for housework and raising the children, but in some ethnic groups they are also responsible for tending the household garden. Women from the Yintalia ethnic group gather all non-meat products that the family may need (the Yintalia men are responsible for hunting). Men from these communities are responsible for hunting, farming, trade and other income generating work, for example day labouring. Decisions within the household and relating to child raring traditionally lay with women, while men are responsible for all other decisions. However, these boundaries have blurred during the last 50 years due to social changes and the instability within Karenni State.
1.5 Armed Actors in Karenni State
There are numerous armed groups operating in Karenni State, with the largest being the Tatmadaw, the Burmese army. A number of non-state actors operate in Karenni State however, most have made ceasefire agreements (some verbal, others written) with the Burmese junta. The Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP) is the only active group within Karenni State that does not currently have a ceasefire agreement with the SPDC.
1.5.1 State Actor (the Burmese army)
The Tatmadaw, Burmese army, first arrived in Karenni State in 1948.13 Since then the Burmese military presence in Karenni State has increased. Currently there are seven Light Infantry Battalions (LIB) and six Infantry Battalions (IB) based permanently in Karenni State that are answerable to the Loikaw Regional Operational Command (ROC) and Military Operation Command in Pekon.14 In addition to these troops who are permanently based in Karenni State, there are also 10 mobile battalions that carry out patrols throughout the state.15 These mobile battalions carry out rotational patrols, so that there are always troops in addition to those permanently based in Karenni State.
1.5.2 Non-State Actors:
Karenni National Progressive Party (KNPP)
The KNPP was established in 1957 and is continuing to resist the Burmese military junta. The KNPP acts as a de-facto government for the Karenni population however their authority has emerged out of need, rather than consensus among the people.
The KNPP entered into a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese junta in 1995. This ceasefire only lasted three months and human rights abuses and armed skirmishes continued throughout this period. Following the collapse of the ceasefire, communication between both sides continued however it did not eventuate into formal talks. In 1997 and 2007 there were talks between the KNPP and the Burmese junta, however, no ceasefire was agreed to. Factions of the KNPP that have supported ceasefire agreements with the Burmese military have often split and formed new groups, negotiating their own peace deals with the junta and weakening the KNPP.
In the late 1990s the KNPP was further weakened by three major splits. The first faction that broke away was led by U Goeri and agreed to a ceasefire with the SPDC in July 1999. The second split, led by U Day Moo, agreed to a ceasefire in 1999. The final faction led by U Saw Bae Bay, signed a ceasefire agreement with the central government in November 1999. Some groups estimate that approximately 200 KNPP soldiers allied themselves with these three groups, while others say the number is closer to 100.
Ceasefire Groups
There are eight ceasefire groups in Karenni State:
Karenni National Defense Army (KNDA)
Karenni National People’s Liberation Front (KNPLF)
Karenni National Solidarity Organisation (KNSO)
Shan State Nationalities Liberation Organisation (SSNLO)
Karenni National Peace and Development Party (KNPDP)
Kayan New Land Party (KNLP)
Kayan Home Guard (KHG)
The Burmese junta use ceasefire agreements as a tool to suppress armed resistance groups. The regime exploits differences between the factions of armed groups by offering leaders of these factions’ economic concessions in exchange for making a ceasefire agreement. Most members of armed resistance movements are living in abject poverty and have been for many years. They have spent their lives fighting a war that is still continuing today, while the situation for the Karenni people continues to deteriorate. Consequently leaders enter into ceasefire agreements with the hope of acquiring a more comfortable lifestyle and improving the living standards of the people. Returning to the SPDC’s alleged legal fold has offered opportunities to the leaders of these groups, but the soldiers are still required to fight and die.
Currently ceasefire groups are prohibited from organizing their own activities and must cooperate with SPDC troops, acting as a proxy army for the Burmese army. Ceasefire groups’ participation in operations with the Burmese army requires their troops to travel ahead and identify the people who have connections with the KNPP. These people are subsequently arrested, imprisoned and tortured by the SPDC troops. Splinter groups also guide the SPDC troops to the jungle hiding places of the KNPP.
1.6 Research Methodology
All names of villagers, villages, and
village tracts from this publication in order to protect the
people and communities who shared their stories and experiences
with us. For Burma Issues field staff who collect information
for this report we refer to them as BI Field Staff 1, BI Field
Staff 2, etc. to protect their identities and ensure that they
can continue to work in the future without fear.
This report
is based on field research carried out in Karenni State between
2001 and March 2007. During this time five trips to Karenni
State were undertaken by staff from Burma Issues’ Mae Hong Son
office. Throughout these trips intensive population surveys
and in-depth interviews were conducted. Information about human
rights abuses was also collected. During the 2006/2007 trip
alone over 100 villages were visited. The trips carried out
by Burma Issues members are arduous, difficult and very dangerous.
“When we tried to carry out the work in Karenni State there
were problems with communication, transportation, security,
health care and food. We started the journey at the border.
Each person had to carry enough food for 10 days, which is heavy
and other equipment. We had to detour around minefields, SPDC
troops and army bases. On our journey we had to cross a river,
but we did not have a boat. The current was strong and there
were rocks; to get to the path from the river we had to clear
a landmine field. It was a long and slow journey,” BI Field
Staff 1 said.
The staff members who undertook these trips risked
their lives in order to collect information and document the
situation in Karenni State. Their work supplied information
that is the basis of this report, as well as other supplementary
interviews that were vital to truly represent the voices of
the grassroots people in Karenni State. Without their bravery
and unwavering dedication this report would not have been possible.
This report is unique in that it documents the situation in
Karenni State over the past six years. While a lot is known
internationally about the situation in Karen and Shan States
and along the Thai-Burma border, little is known about the Karenni.
This report aims to rectify that by acting as a platform for
the issues, concerns and voices of the Karenni grassroots communities
to the international community and an awareness raising and
advocacy tool.
Footnotes:
1 “Conflict and Displacement in Karenni State: The need for considered response”, Burma Ethnic Research Group, May 2000
2 “Conflict and Displacement in Karenni State: The need for considered response”, Burma Ethnic Research Group, May 2000
3 “Conflict and Displacement in Karenni State: The need for considered response”, Burma Ethnic Research Group, May 2000
4 “Karenni Homeland”, http://www.karennihomeland.com/ArticleArticle.php?ContentID=58, Accessed October 22nd, 2007
5 "Karenni Homeland”, www.kareniihomeland.com, accessed September 2007, and village elders
6 “Preliminary Findings and Conclusion on the material support for terrorism bar as applied to the overseas resettlement of refuges from Burma”, The Immigration and Refugee Clinic and the International Human Rights Council (Human Rights Program Harvard Law), January 2006
7 “Forced Relocation and Human Rights Abuses in Karenni State, Burma”, All Burma Students’ Democratic Front
8 “Conflict and Displacement in Karenni State: The need for considered response”, Burma Ethnic Research Group, May 2000
9 “Burma Human Rights Yearbook 1996”, Human Rights Documentation Unit, 1997
10 “Conflict and Displacement in Karenni: The need for considered response”, Burma Ethnic Research Group, May 2000
11 “Damned by Burma’s Generals: The Karenni Experience with Hydropower Development from Lawpita to the Salween”, Karenni Development Research Group, 2006
12 “Damned by Burma’s Generals: The Karenni Experience with Hydropower Development from Lawpita to the Salween”, Karenni Development Research Group, 2006
13 “Conflict and Displacement in Karenni State: The need for considered response”, Burma Ethnic Research Group, May 2000
14 “2007 Survey Internal Displacement in Eastern Burma”, Thailand Burma Border Consortium, October 2007
15 “2007 Survey Internal Displacement in Eastern Burma”, Thailand Burma Border Consortium, October 2007
Karenni State is a land-locked state in northeast Burma. It borders northwest Thailand to its east, Shan State to the north, Karen State to the south and Mandalay to the west. Karenni State is 11,731.5 km210; making it the smallest state is Burma. There are eight townships within Karenni State: Loikaw, Demawso, Pruso, Passaung, Bawlake, Meh Sae, Shadaw and Mawchi, and there are five main rivers: the Salween, Htoo, Belu, Pai and Pon. Karenni State is approximately half the size of Holland. Due to the mountainous terrain of the state, it is one of the least accessible areas in Burma.
The climate of Karenni State is generally temperate, except along the river valleys where it is tropical. The average temperature in Karenni State near Loikaw is 21.9 degrees Celsius. However in the mountainous areas closer to the Thai-Burma border temperatures can drop suddenly to single digits. Throughout the year there are three seasons in Karenni State: hot (February – April), cold (November – January) and wet (May to October). During the rainy season access to areas outside Loikaw is very difficult and it is impossible to access some mountainous areas.