Despite the
fact that this offensive has been underway for over a
year now there is not a clear singular reason behind the
attacks. However, a number of contributing factors have
emerged: the move to the new capital Pyinmana and the
establishment of a five kilometre security zone around
it, the acquisition of land for national development projects,
and the need to secure transportation routes to and from
these sites. Additionally, the three districts targeted
are considered the ‘heartland’ of Karen resistance
to Burmese oppression. Despite the armed struggle though
the KNU and Karen National Liberation Army (KNLA) against
the regime, it is the people, the civilian villagers,
that pose the biggest threat to local and regional SPDC
power these days. The non-violent resistance strategies,
such as defying orders from the military and fleeing into
the jungle rather than being controlled, employed by the
villagers make them active participants in the struggle
for peace and justice in Burma, not passive victims.
Nonetheless,
the reasons behind the offensive do not detract from the
fact that the Burmese army is attacking the civilian Karen
population without any form of provocation. In addition
to purposely attacking villagers the Burmese army is also
undermining the grassroots people’s ability to survive.
The villagers in the offensive area, who are mainly farmers,
were beginning to harvest their crops when the offensive
began last November. As villagers had to flee to safety
in the jungle, their crops either rotted in the fields
or were eaten by animals, leading to food shortages.
This acute
food shortage will be further exacerbated next year. As
the offensive continued over the past twelve months more
villagers had to flee the Burmese troops. This meant that
they could not prepare for next years crop. Consequently
in November and December 2006 there will be no crop to
harvest and food scarcity will continue next year, regardless
of the political situation.
Most of the
27,000 people who have been displaced have very little,
if any, food. Their diets are supplemented with food that
they can find from the jungle. Due to the severe landmine
contamination of the areas, it is extremely dangerous
to search for food.
In addition
to food scarcity internally displaced persons (IDPs) face
serious health issues, especially during the wet season.
Malaria is prevalent, as are skin diseases, dysentery
and malnutrition. It is the children and the elderly who
suffer the most under the given conditions. Heavily pregnant
women also face additional hardships as they have to flee
the same as other villagers, walking for days and giving
birth while on the run. Villagers, as a result of military
attacks, are more likely to be injured by a landmine or
through soldier violence, for example being shot or stabbed.
Access to medical services is virtually non-existent,
and what is available is gravely insufficient. As a result
people often die from preventable and curable diseases
and treatable injuries.
The regime
prevents all non-governmental organisations and United
Nations agencies inside Burma giving humanitarian aid
to the villagers affected by the offensive. The junta
prohibits organisations traveling to these areas and documenting
human rights violations and the humanitarian crisis. It
is virtually impossible to bypass these regulations, as
the region is very mountainous and all transportation
routes, apart from walking, are controlled by the SPDC.
Some community-based
organizations that work cross-border from Thailand manage
to bring some assistance to the IDPs, but it is only a
tiny amount of what is needed. The SPDC deems the activities
of these groups illegal and if the Burmese army catches
workers they will simply disappear – never to be
heard of or seen again.
While the
majority of IDPs choose to stay in hiding near their villages
as a form of non-violent resistance, others decide to
travel to Thailand to seek refuge in the camps along the
Thai-Burma border. So far this year Thai authorities have
allowed approximately 3,000 people to cross the border
and enter a refugee camp near Mae Sariang, Thailand. However,
the Thai authorities have not consistently kept the border
open and have frequently refused IDPs entrance to the
kingdom, reasoning that they are not fleeing fighting,
but are merely capitalising on the resettlement opportunities
that are being opened up to the refugees in the camp.
As a result
of the border’s sporadic closure, approximately
1,400 IDPs (a figure that is continually rising) are living
in a makeshift camp along the Salween River, on the Burmese
side of the border. This temporary IDP settlement receives
aid from organisations working along the Thai-Burma border,
at the discretion of the Thai authorities, but there are
numerous protection issues associated with the camp. There
is a Burmese army base that is only an hour’s walk
away, making the IDPs vulnerable to a potential attack.
This is the
worst offensive that the junta has conducted since it
joined ASEAN in 1997. However, the offensive is not an
isolated event, but rather the continuation of a campaign
by the military junta to control the population of Burma.
Despite the fact that this offensive has been underway
for over a year, the international community is yet to
find a solution that will persuade the SPDC to stop their
attacks on civilians. Throughout the numerous military
campaigns thousands of lives have been lost - all valuable
and irreplaceable.